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For some mixed-race Americans, the pressure to identify as a single race is a significant part of the multiracial experience. In contrast, Amerindian labor was more difficult to control; moreover, Amerindians occupied large territories that became valuable as agricultural lands, especially with the invention of new technologies such as railroads. A few States now require a “mixed race” category. Asian groups contend they are undercounted when forced to identify with one category only. There is no apparent category for Central and South American Indians.
What is the number one race in america
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Count number of members of racial group. Failed to load This section compares the 50 most populous of those to each other and the United States. The least populous of the compared places has a population of , Non-White Population by Place 18 Percentage of the total population. Scope: population of the United States and selected places in the United States. Count number of non-whites rank of place out of 50 by percentage non-white 1 non-Hispanic 2 excluding black and Asian Hispanics. White 1 Population by Place 20 Percentage of the total population.
Count number of whites rank of place out of 50 by percentage whites 1 non-Hispanic. The least populous of the compared metro areas has a population of 1,,
Consumer expenditure, by race U.S. | Statista.Mapped: Visualizing the U.S. Population by Race
In , the Black or African American alone (12%), American Indian and Alaska Native alone (%), and Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific. The most prevalent racial or ethnic group for the United States was the White alone non-Hispanic population at %. This decreased from %.
What is the number one race in america
The course of American racial and what is the number one race in america politics over the next few decades will depend not only on dynamics within the African-American community, but what is the number one race in america on relations between African Americans and other racial or ethnic groups. Both are hard to predict. The key question within the black community involves the unfolding relationship between material success and attachment to the American polity.
The imponderable in ethnic relations is how the increasing complexity of ethnic and racial coalitions and of ethnicity-related policy issues will affect African-American political behavior. What makes prediction so difficult is not that there are what is the number one race in america clear patterns in both areas. There are. But the current patterns are highly politically charged and therefore highly volatile and contingent on a lot of people s choices.
Today the United States has a thriving, if somewhat tenuous, black middle class. By conventional measures of income, education, or occupation at least a third of African Americans can be described as middle class, as compared with about half of whites. Conversely, the depth of poverty among the poorest blacks is matched only by the length of its duration. Thus, today there is greater disparity between the top fifth and the bottom fifth of African Americans, with regard to income, education, victimization by violence, occupational status, and participation in electoral politics, than between the what is the number one race in america and bottom fifths of white Americans.
An observer from Mars might suppose that the black middle class would be highly gratified by its recent and dramatic rise in status and that persistently poor blacks would be frustrated and embittered by their unchanging or even worsening fate.
In the s and s, African Americans who were well-off frequently saw less racial discrimination, both generally and in their own lives, than did those who were poor. But by the s blacks with low status were perceiving less white hostility than were their higher-status counterparts. They are more likely to agree that motivation and hard work produce success, and they are often touchingly gratified by their own or their children s progress.
That suggests several questions for political actors. It is virtually unprecedented for a newly successful group of Americans to grow more and more alienated from the mainstream polity as it attains more and more material success.
That frustrated group led a secessionist movement; what might embittered and resource-rich African Americans do? If most poor and working-class African Americans continue to care more about education, jobs, safe communities, and decent homes than about racial discrimination and antagonism per se, they may provide a counterbalance in the social arena to the political and cultural rage of the black middle class.
But if these patterns should be reversed—thus returning us нажмите чтобы перейти the patterns of the s—quite different political implications and questions would follow. That point is closer than it ever has been in our history, simply because never before have there been enough successful blacks for whites to have to accommodate them.
In that case, the wealth disparities between the races will decline as black executives accumulate capital. The need for affirmative action will decline as black students SAT scores come to resemble those of whites with similar incomes.
The need for majority-minority electoral districts will decline as whites discover that a black representative could what is the number one race in america them.
But what of the other half of a reversion to the pattern of s beliefs, when poor blacks mistrusted whites and well-off blacks, and saw little reason to believe that conventional political нажмите чтобы перейти were on their side? If that view were to return in full force, among people now characterized by widespread ownership of fiirearms and isolation in communities with terrible schools and few job opportunities, there could indeed be a fire next time.
One can envision, of course, two other patterns—both wealthy and poor African Americans lose all faith, or both wealthy and poor African Americans regain their faith that the American creed can be put into practice. The corresponding political implications are not hard to discern. My point is that the current circumstances of African Americans are unusual and probably not stable.
Political engagement and policy choices over the next few decades will determine whether affluent African Americans come to feel that their nation will allow them to enjoy the full social and psychological benefits of their material success, as well as whether poor African Americans give up on a nation that has turned its back on them. Racial politics today are too complicated to allow any trend, whether toward or away from equality and comity, to predominate.
J Jennifer L. Приведу ссылку Professor – Government, Harvard University. America is once again a nation of immigrants, as a long series of recent newspaper stories and policy analyses remind us. Since the Los Angeles metropolitan region has gained almost a million residents, the New York region almost , and the Chicago region ,—almost all from immigration or births нажмите сюда recent immigrants.
More than half of the residents of New York City are immigrants or children of immigrants. How will these demographic changes affect racial politics? Projections show that the what is the number one race in america of Americans who are neither white nor black will continue to increase, dramatically so in some regions.
Bywhites will become a smaller proportion of the total population of the nation as a whole, and their absolute numbers will begin to decrease. The black population, now just over 13 percent, will grow, but slowly. The number of Latinos, however, will more than double, from 24 million in to almost 60 million in absent a complete change in immigration laws.
The proportion of Asians will also double. A few states will be especially transformed. And today, of 30 million Californians, 56 percent are white, 26 percent Latino, 10 percent Asian, and 7 percent black. What is the number one race in america demographic changes may have less dramatic effects on U.
For example, the proportion of voters who are white is much higher than the proportion of the population that is white in states such as California and Florida, and that disproportion привожу ссылку likely to continue for some decades.
Second, some cities, states, and even whole regions will remain largely unaffected by demographic change. Thus racial and ethnic politics below the national level will be quite variable, and even in the national government racial and ethnic politics will be diluted and constrained compared with the politics in states particularly affected by immigration. Third, most Latino and Asian immigrants are eager to learn English, to become Americans, and to be less insulated in ethnic communities, so their basic political framework may not differ much from that of native-born Americans.
Finally, there are no clear racial or ethnic differences on many political and policy issues; the fault lines lie elsewhere. For example, in the Washington Post survey mentioned earlier, whites, blacks, Latinos, and Asians showed similar levels of support for congressional action to limit tax breaks for business under 40 percentbalance the budget over 75 percentreform Medicare about 55 percentand cut personal income what is the number one race in america about 50 percent.
Somewhat more variation existed in support for reforming the welfare system around 75 percent support and limiting what is the number one race in america action around a third. The only issue that seriously divided survey participants was increased limits on abortion: 24 percent support among Asian Americans, 50 percent support among Latinos, and 35 percent and 32 percent support among whites and blacks respectively.
Other surveys show similar levels of inter-ethnic support for proposals to reduce crime, balance the federal budget, or improve public schooling. But when political disputes and policy choices are posed, as they frequently are, along lines that allow for competition among racial or ethnic groups, the picture looks quite different.
But Latinos split evenly 42 percent to 40 percent over whether to award African Americans or themselves this dubious honor. The same pattern appears in more specific questions about discrimination.
Blacks are consistently more likely to see bias against their own race than against others in treatment by police, portrayals in the media, the what is the number one race in america justice system, promotion to management positions, and the ability to get mortgages and credit loans.
Latinos are split between blacks and their own group on all these questions, whereas whites see roughly as much discrimination against all three of the nonwhite groups and Asians vary across the issues. Perhaps the most telling indicator of the coming complexity in racial and ethnic politics is a National Conference survey asking representatives of the four major ethnic groups which other groups share the most and the least in common with their own group.
According to the survey, whites feel most in common with blacks, who feel little in common with whites. Blacks feel most in common with Latinos, who feel least in common with them. Latinos feel most in common with whites, who feel little in common with them. Asian Americans feel most in common with whites, who feel least in common with them. Each group is running after another that is fleeing from it.
If these results hold up in political activity, then American racial and ethnic politics in the 21st century are going to be interesting, to say the least.
Attitudes toward particular policy issues show even more clearly the instability of racial and ethnic coalitions. Latinos support strong forms of affirmative what is the number one race in america more than do whites /3030.txt Asians, but sometimes less than do blacks. Across a variety of surveys, blacks are always the most likely to support affirmative action for blacks; blacks and Latinos concur frequently on weaker though still majority support for affirmative action for Latinos, and all groups concur in lack of strong support for affirmative action for Asians.
What might seem a potential coalition between blacks and Latinos is likely to break down, however—as might the antagonism between blacks and whites—if the issue shifts from affirmative action to immigration policy. The data are too sparse to be certain of /511.txt conclusion, especially for Asian Americans, but Latinos and probably Asians are more supportive of policies to encourage immigration and offer aid to immigrants than are African Americans and whites.
A recent national poll by the Princeton Survey Research Associates suggests why African Americans and whites resemble each other and differ from Latinos in their preferences for immigration policy: without exception they perceive the effects of immigration—on such things as crime, employment, culture, politics, and the quality of schools—to be less favorable than do Latinos.
We can only guess at this point about how the complicated politics of racial and ethnic competition and coalition-building will connect with the equally complicated politics of middle-class black alienation and poor black marginality. These are quintessentially political questions; the economic and demographic trajectories merely set the conditions for an array of political possibilities ranging from assimilation to a racial and ethnic cold war. I conclude only with the proposal that there is more room for racial and ethnic comity than we sometimes realize because most political issues cut across group lines—but achieving that comity will require the highly unlikely combination of strong leadership and sensitive negotiation.
Material Success and Political Attachment Today the United States has a thriving, if somewhat tenuous, black middle class. Related /11148.txt. Jennifer L.
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